Submitted by Thomas Kolbe
Italian weeks in Brussels: Just days after Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni announced a hardline migration policy, openly defying Brussels’ globalist open-border agenda, she delivered a second shock.
At the start of the week, Italy’s Industry Minister Adolfo Urso called for the suspension of EU-wide CO₂ trading—or at least a profound reform. Rome calls it a hidden tax and laments the growing displacement of Italian industrial companies to non-European locations. A conclusion that will sound all too familiar in Germany.
EU climate policy is artificially driving costs ever higher across the board. Companies able to operate flexibly are losing patience with this fanatical clientelist politics. Investments are redirected elsewhere, jobs relocated—while the taxes politicians desire are collected abroad. Yet even this argument seems to fall on deaf ears in European politics, as the European taxpayer remains a convenient source of revenue. Unlike mobile capital, citizens can’t easily move their wealth and property out of reach.
It is high time European leaders confront the European Commission and its grotesque degrowth fantasies. The so-called green transformation is under evident legitimacy pressure, now that it is clear that the “green Hesperia”—a realm where economic rules and logic are suspended—will never exist. Brussels’ attempt to build a power base with its own “green” industrial sector as an economic foundation increasingly looks like a project of power-obsessed dreamers, hung around the private sector’s neck like a millstone.
While Italy is drawing a clear line and trying to distance itself from Brussels’ industrial pillage, few in German politics seem seriously concerned that the CO₂ credit system channels real capital from productive sectors into an unproductive green patronage economy, while feeding the moral self-assurance of climate-policy snake-oil merchants.
What is sold as “transformation” is in truth a large-scale impoverishment program, eroding both the middle class and its civic values. Prosperity comes from commitment to achievement, individual sovereignty, and freedom. Only a civilization already damaged allows an unqualified political elite to centralize power.
The European carbon market is a centralized redistribution scheme, which next year will extend to transport and heating sectors. Brussels is pushing its reach ever deeper into European citizens’ daily lives. Costs will rise—this much is certain. And no Strait of Hormuz energy blockade is required; Europeans can achieve this on their own.
Even Friedrich Merz proved in February, on the Welt podcast with Robin Alexander and Dagmar Rosenfeld, that he belongs to the group of green statists. There, he defended the European CO₂ mechanism as an indispensable pillar of transformation policy, a great achievement of European convergence. Riding together into summer’s decline, together into insolvency—was that Merz’s real meaning? Is the Chancellor a romantic of decay?
Just days before, he sounded entirely different. At an employers’ meeting in Antwerp, Merz—almost toxically masculine, in line with Italy’s government—called for radical reform of the climate-policy carbon plunder. The contrast between the two appearances could hardly have been starker.
Yet after nearly a year observing the Chancellor’s public appearances, one knows: Merz’s shifts and volte-faces are no exception—they are part of his political camouflage. Performative acts, distraction techniques aimed squarely at stabilizing polling. In this respect, he is a classic politician, whose speech stream generates emotional connectivity—or: form trumps substance.
His green-moral compass, however, functions reliably. Regulatory reform will not come with this man in Germany—nor will a rollback of the green transformation mechanism. Loyal voters can be certain: the Chancellor will deliver this as surely as he performs his recurring obeisance to the Social Democratic junior partner.
More than two points underscore the political importance of carbon trading.
First, it provides Brussels’ central body with its own steadily growing revenue stream, disguised from open taxation. Brussels thus gains autonomy and additional leverage in struggles with centrifugal forces in the Union—such as Viktor Orbán’s Hungary or Giorgia Meloni’s Italy.
Second, it creates the green art-economy: a reliable voter base for the established party cartel. It funds the NGO complex and ensures the future growth of the bureaucratic apparatus.
It is therefore logical that the true initiators of the green transformation—found mainly in German politics—will cling to this tool until sufficient domestic pressure forces a reversal. Such pressure can ultimately come only from civil society and the economy itself.
The question is: when will Germany join an alliance for regulatory reform?
The answer may lie in the accounts, stock portfolios, real estate, and cash reserves of the German middle class. Here, politics has hidden the activatable sedative of its welfare state—a calming agent gradually fed into the redistribution mechanism to buy social peace on the road to the green ideal society.
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About the author: Thomas Kolbe, a German graduate economist, has worked for over 25 years as a journalist and media producer for clients from various industries and business associations. As a publicist, he focuses on economic processes and observes geopolitical events from the perspective of the capital markets. His publications follow a philosophy that focuses on the individual and their right to self-determination.