我们到底什么时候才真正长大?
When Do We Become Adults, Really?

原始链接: https://www.newyorker.com/culture/annals-of-inquiry/when-do-we-become-adults-really

传统的生活阶段在现代社会变得越来越模糊。19世纪末和20世纪通过教育、投票年龄(1971年为18岁)和儿童保护实现了标准化,但心理学家现在正在质疑这些僵化的划分。 杰弗里·阿内特在1990年代提出了“新兴成年期”的概念,认识到许多年轻人延迟的人生里程碑。克莱尔·梅塔随后提出了“成熟成年期”(30-45岁),这是一个平衡事业、家庭和个人成长,而不仅仅是实现结婚或拥有住房等社会标准化的时期。 最近的研究证实了这种转变;现在大多数人将成年期定义为个人责任、经济稳定和职业发展,而不是年龄或传统事件。专家认为,这些阶段更关注心理发展和个人叙事,而不是固定的时间表。 最终,在充满多样化道路的世界中,整齐定义的生活阶段的概念显得局限。即使是那些提出这些新类别的人也承认它们的性质是主观的——人生是一个我们创造的故事,而不是一个需要完成的清单。

## 黑客新闻讨论:什么定义了成年? 一篇名为“我们究竟什么时候真正成为成年人?”的文章引发了黑客新闻的讨论,探讨了成年这个难以捉摸的概念。许多评论者质疑我们是否真的*会*成为成年人,认为这常常是对他人的一种表演,或者只是学会了在公众场合“表现”。 几种观点浮出水面:成熟与脆弱和坚强地处理人际关系、承担责任,甚至与父母分离有关。另一些人认为,为人父母并非决定性因素,因为有些父母仍然不成熟,而有些没有孩子的人则表现出完全的成年状态。 讨论还延伸到电子游戏,一位用户最初声称它们代表着不成熟。这引发了回应,强调了游戏广泛的吸引力,包括职业玩家、创造性的用途(如Minecraft建筑),以及它作为一种放松消遣的价值。总体情绪倾向于认为,成年不是通过避免“幼稚”的活动来定义的,而是经验和行为的复杂混合。最终,这场讨论强调了定义成年这一主观且多方面的本质。
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原文

Life stages became more standardized in the late nineteenth century, as mandatory schooling spread, and legal thresholds of adulthood were set in the twentieth century. In 1971, the Twenty-sixth Amendment instituted eighteen as the voting age in America, and, in 1989, the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child promised protections for people under eighteen. Meanwhile, retirement ages and pensions set parameters for the beginning of old age. Arnett developed the category of “emerging adult” after many twentysomethings told him, in the nineteen-nineties, that they didn’t identify as adults—they felt “off time,” he told me. Arnett thought that age-based life stages seemed increasingly outdated, given that people were, on average, getting married later, leaving school later, finding jobs later. The novel stage of emerging adulthood reflected modern life. “Some people, when I proposed it, said, ‘You can’t just invent a new life stage,’ ” Arnett said. “There was this assumption that they’re universal and they’re fixed. I didn’t see them that way.”

Neither does Clare Mehta, a psychologist at Emmanuel College who works with Arnett, and who came up with the term established adulthood. Mehta argued that psychologists had neglected this busy period when they had consolidated adulthood into a monolith. She saw people between thirty and forty-five trying to balance careers, marriages, and children for the first time. Established adults hadn’t yet reached the apex of their careers; some had young children at home, and, for most in this life stage, neither major health issues nor menopause had typically set in.

Mehta’s research, which is ongoing, includes interviews with people my age. During a two-hour Zoom call, she asked about my life. I didn’t want to define my stage in terms of discrete events such as buying property or exchanging vows, although I had recently done both of those things; after all, I could imagine doing those same activities in my twenties, just in a very chaotic and non-adult sort of way. Other ways I’ve grown seemed more important. These days, I better understand and manage my emotions. My interactions with other people seem less mysterious to me; I’m more patient and empathetic. In my family, I’ve adopted a more live-and-let-live attitude. I’m proud of progress in my career, even if I am far from settled.

It turns out that other established adults feel the same way. In 2024, Megan Wright, a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of York, worked with several colleagues to assess how more than seventeen thousand people defined adulthood. Across a variety of ages and countries of origin, only a quarter cited marriage and having children. A similar fraction mentioned turning eighteen. But a majority of people said that taking responsibility for their actions, paying for living expenses, and having stable careers made them feel grownup. In another study of roughly seven hundred U.K. residents, most participants defined adulthood with psychological milestones, such as “accepting responsibility for the consequences of my actions.”

Historically, life stages have been aspirational—they’ve been defined by societal expectations—which also made them limiting. “There’s just something about them that’s too set in stone,” Dan McAdams, a psychologist at Northwestern who directs the Study of Lives Research Group, told me. “They’re élitist. They’re too prescriptive. Modern and postmodern life is too variegated. People follow so many different paths now.” What if you don’t want to get married and have children? What if you can’t afford to buy property? What if you aren’t a man?

In some ways, Arnett and Mehta’s newer stages of life are more reflective of these realities. Mehta said that one feature of established adulthood is deliberation over whether to have children; there are many good reasons that the answer might be no, including economics, preference, fertility challenges, and the demands of a person’s career. But it’s still easy to chafe against these categories. When Mehta’s husband was in his mid-forties, she asked him if he felt like an adult. No, he said, even though he owned a house and two cars and had started a company. Why not? “He said that he’d played pinball for eight hours the day before,” Mehta recalled. “Do adults play pinball?”

I related to the idea of established adults more than any other life stage. Even so, the divisions seemed arbitrary and subjective. I was surprised to find that Mehta and Arnett agreed; they know that stages don’t apply to every person. McAdams prefers to think of life as a story that we tell ourselves, with a protagonist, a plot, and a cast of characters.

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