斯潘伯格签署违宪法案,剥夺与邦联相关的组织免税资格。
Spanberger Signs Unconstitutional Bill To Strip Confederacy-Linked Groups Of Tax Exempt Status

原始链接: https://www.zerohedge.com/political/spanberger-signs-unconstitutional-bill-strip-confederacy-linked-groups-tax-exempt-status

弗吉尼亚州州长阿比盖尔·斯潘伯格因竞选时以温和派形象出现,但上任后急剧左转而受到批评。上任以来,她的政府实施了大幅增税,重新划分选区以减少共和党代表,并颁布了严格的枪支法律。 一项特别有争议的举措是HB167法案,该法案取消了与邦联有关联组织的税收豁免权,包括邦联女儿会和邦联退伍军人协会。法律学者,包括乔纳森·图利,认为该法律通过基于观点的歧视违反了第一修正案——本质上是惩罚团体持有其信仰。 与此同时,民主党正在针对与邦联历史相关的弗吉尼亚军事学院(VMI),成立了一个审查委员会,旨在将学校“与过去划清界限”。斯潘伯格任命了被认为对VMI怀有敌意的委员会成员,引发了对其未来的担忧。 图利强调了一个危险的先例:利用税法和立法来压制不受欢迎的观点,这与他几年前在鲍勃·琼斯大学案件中提出的担忧相呼应。他认为,税收豁免应支持言论和结社自由,而不应成为政治控制的工具,并预测将为此项违宪行为付出代价,面临昂贵的法律诉讼。

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原文

Authored by Jonathan Turley,

There has been growing criticism (and falling poll numbers) of Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger after she ran as a moderate and then immediately veered to the far left after her election.  Once in power, Spanberger and the Democrats unleashed a slew of tax increases, moved to eliminate all but one Republican district in the purple state, passed an array of anti-gun laws, and enacted other controversial measures. One of these measures is a clearly unconstitutional effort to strip pro-Confederate groups of their tax exemption.

This week, Spanberger signed HB167, the law that eliminated the tax exemption for various confederacy-linked groups, including the Virginia Division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, the General Organization of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, the Confederate Memorial Literary Society, the Stonewall Jackson Memorial, Incorporated, the Virginia Division, Sons of Confederate Veterans, and the J.E.B. Stuart Birthplace Preservation Trust, Inc.

Notably, as soon as they came into power, Democrats also passed House Bill 1377 to move against the Virginia Military Institute, including appointing a task force that could effectively close the historic school. Many Democrats have previoulsy sought to close VMI despite its unique and inspiring history in training some of our most famous military leaders, including General George Marshall. Liberals want to close the school due to its history from the Civil War.

Spanberger recently expressed support for the effort but returned the bill with suggestions to use the board of directors to carry out the review.

Spanberger’s substitute eliminates that task force entirely and instead directs VMI’s own board of visitors to carry out the review.

The board would be empowered to carry out a fairly hostile and open-ended agenda, including to “distance [VMI] from the Lost Cause narrative, foster an inclusive environment, and address any other concerns.” Spanberger has appointed 27 new board members, including former Gov. Ralph Northam, who is viewed as hostile to VMI.

The New York Times explained that the Democrats wanted to “distance Virginia from its Confederate past.” However, they also want to use a content-based law to discriminate against groups with which they disagree. The law clearly violates the First Amendment, but neither Spanberger nor the Virginia Democrats appear to care.

In Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155 (2015), the Court struck down a signage regulation because”restrictions … that apply to any given sign [depend] entirely on the communicative content of the sign.” Likewise, Simon & Schuster, Inc. v. Members of the N.Y. State Crime Victims Bd., 502 U.S. 105, 116 (1991), the Court stressed that the government’s ability to impose content-based burdens on speech raises the specter that the government may effectively drive certain ideas or viewpoints from the marketplace.

From taxes to trademarks, content-based discrimination runs afoul of our free speech values. In Matal v. Tam, 582 U.S. 218 (2017), the Court cited Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes decision in United States v. Schwimmer, 279 U. S. 644, 655 (1929), that “the proudest boast of our free speech jurisprudence is that we protect the freedom to express ‘the thought that we hate.'” 

Over 30 years ago, I wrote about the collision between anti-discrimination laws and the free exercise of religion. I have been critical of the use of the tax code to effectively punish organizations that do not comport with the IRS’s view of good public policy.

That prior work was critical of the 1982 decision involving Bob Jones University, in which the Supreme Court upheld the denial of tax-exempt status. In the case of Bob Jones, the university was engaged in reprehensible racial discrimination. However, I wrote how the actual standard is far more vague and could potentially be used more broadly.

Virginia is an example of precisely that problem in the use of tax exemptions to engage in viewpoint discrimination.

I have opposed such moves with a variety of organizations with which I have long-standing objections. That includes the Administration’s threat to revoke Harvard University’s tax-exempt status.

Tax exemption should not be a status bestowed upon those adhering to the demands of whatever party is in power. Free speech and associational rights are fostered by granting this status.

Virginia will now spend additional money to defend this unconstitutional action and fight for the right to discriminate against those who have opposing views in the state.

Jonathan Turley is a law professor and the best-selling author of “Rage and the Republic: The Unfinished Story of the American Revolution.”

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