为什么一位坐拥 1540 亿美元身家的 CEO 公开发声,主张剥夺大多数美国人的投票权
Why a $154B CEO just endorsed stripping most Americans of voting rights

原始链接: https://fortune.com/2026/07/27/shopify-ceo-voting-rights-stripping-americans-19th-century/

Shopify 首席执行官托比亚斯·吕特克(Tobias Lütke)近日因支持“分级纳税”投票制度而引发争议。在一场社交媒体讨论中,吕特克支持了一项提议:不缴纳所得税的个人(包括退休人员、学生和低薪劳动者)将失去投票权,而高收入者则根据其纳税额最多可获得五张选票。 该提议反映了历史上已被否决的“财产选举制”,即将政治权力与财富或财产所有权挂钩。批评者认为,这一制度将巩固财阀政治,剥夺数百万弱势美国人的公民权利,同时成倍增加富人的影响力。 这场辩论凸显了人们对“老年寡头政治”的广泛焦虑,即在住房短缺等经济危机背景下,富有的房主和老一辈人拥有不成比例的政治影响力。具有讽刺意味的是,这位首席执行官在 Shopify 持有“创始人股份”,无论其持股比例如何,该结构都赋予了他超额的投票控制权。尽管一些人将这些观点视为追求财政责任的尝试,但反对者认为,这是一种对普选权的危险倒退,威胁到了“一人一票”的民主原则。

最近的一场 Hacker News 讨论剖析了一项据称得到某位亿万富翁支持的提议,该提议旨在将投票权限制在缴纳所得税的人群范围内。这一讨论帖成为了人们对财富、权力和民主进程不满的宣泄口。 参与者大多拒绝了这一提议,认为这是一种精英主义、反民主的集权企图。批评者指出,这种制度本质上会剥夺穷人的选举权,却无法制约那些利用复杂金融结构来最小化应纳税所得额的超级富豪。许多评论者将此视为“阶级战争”加剧的证据,并指出越来越多的超高净值科技界人士开始表达极端且反民主的政治观点。 讨论还涉及了极端财富背后的心理状态,许多人认为这种立场反映了当事人缺乏道德准则,或与现实严重脱节。虽然一些用户探讨了“基于纳税人”的投票制度的理论,但舆论呈现出压倒性的敌意。许多人认为投票权是与生俱来的人权,不应以经济贡献为前提。最终,这场讨论凸显了人们对金钱政治影响力和民主平等受到侵蚀的深切担忧。
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原文

Shopify CEO Tobias Lütke, whose company commands a market capitalization near $154 billion, told his social media followers this week that a tax-tiered voting system—one that would strip voting rights from anyone who pays no income tax—would be a “good system.”

That two-word endorsement, dropped into a viral thread, has reignited a debate over wealth, power, and democracy that most Americans thought was settled more than a century ago.

The proposal would invert the founding American principle of “no taxation without representation” into something closer to “no representation without taxation”—and specifically, high taxation. Reactions online split sharply: Some framed it as a provocative thought experiment about aligning fiscal responsibility with political voice, while others called it a naked attempt to legitimize plutocracy by giving billionaires and multimillionaires a formal, multiplied vote over the laws that govern everyone else.

But it also revealed that America is grappling with a political economy debate, as a frozen housing market and an entrenched wealthy baby boomer demographic have many, not just Lütke, arguing that something big needs to change.

How the thread started

The exchange began with a provocation from Lütke: Pension recipients should have their financial futures “locked in and guaranteed,” but in return would be reclassified as “dependents” and lose the right to vote—the same way minors can’t vote. A reply from “Eric Thor,” who claimed to be a retired banking executive as well as “armchair economist and policy wonk,” proposed a sliding scale: zero votes for anyone who pays no income tax, one vote for those earning $1–100K, two votes for $100–200K, scaling up in that pattern to a hard cap of five votes for anyone earning $500K or more. The pitch was framed as fairness—reward “representation” for those who “foot the bill” through taxation.

That was the good system that Lütke endorsed.

To be clear, under this proposed system, the disenfranchised bloc would be enormous. It would encompass all retirees living on Social Security and pension income, students, caregivers, disabled Americans, and millions of low-wage workers who owe no net federal income tax after deductions and credits. Meanwhile, a small population of high earners would receive up to five votes each—a fivefold multiplier on political power concentrated in the hands of people already holding disproportionate economic power.

This is not a new idea—it’s an old, discredited one

Tying the right to vote to wealth or tax contribution has a name: “census suffrage,” or property-qualified voting. In fact, it was the dominant system for the majority of early modern history. Across much of 19th-century Europe and in parts of the early United States, only property owners or taxpayers above a certain threshold could cast a ballot. The earliest democracies in history, in ancient Greece and ancient Rome, likewise limited voting to property owners.

The dawning of the 20th century, though, coincided with several universal suffrage movements that spent decades dismantling those systems precisely because they entrenched the political power of the already wealthy and locked out workers, women, and minorities from any say in the laws governing them. Jessica Lautz, deputy chief economist of the National Association of Realtors, told Fortune recently that the housing market showed signs of returning to an “early 1900s” status quo, but this surely was not what she meant.

Perhaps ironically, Lütke’s tweetstorm began as a response to Jordan Grimes bemoaning the current crisis conditions in the housing market. The San Francisco Chronicle’s Laura Waxmann had reported on classic NIMBY (not in my backyard) activism as hundreds of San Francisco Marina residents swamped a town hall to protest what for them was an “uncomfortably tall, 22 & 18 story project at the low-slung neighborhood’s waterfront.” The excessive influence of old homeowners has been dubbed an “oldigarchy” by Yale professor Samuel Moyn, who advocated in his recent book Gerontocracy in America for something like the reverse of Lütke’s policy: extending the voting age down to an ever-younger population to counterbalance the tyranny of NIMBY boomers.

The irony critics can’t ignore

Lütke’s own track record with voting rights makes the endorsement especially pointed. In 2022, Shopify shareholders approved a “Founder Share” structure that guarantees Lütke at least 40% of the company’s voting power regardless of how much equity he actually owns—a mechanism governance watchdogs criticized as an entrenchment device that decouples voting power from ownership stake. Glass Lewis, a proxy advisory firm, publicly flagged the structure as controversial when it went to a shareholder vote.

In other words, Lütke secured himself outsize, guaranteed control over his own company’s decisions—then publicly praised a system that would strip voting power from the majority of ordinary Americans in the political sphere.

Shopify did not immediately respond to Fortune’s request for comment.

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