这就是俄罗斯重新进军乌克兰哈尔科夫地区的原因
Here's Why Russia Is Making A Fresh Push Into Ukraine's Kharkov Region

原始链接: https://www.zerohedge.com/geopolitical/heres-why-russias-making-fresh-push-ukraines-kharkov-region

俄罗斯最近在乌克兰东部,特别是哈尔科夫地区的军事进展反映了莫斯科在与北约持续冲突中为确保关键目标而不断升级的努力。 泽连斯基总统周五宣布,俄罗斯预期的攻势已经开始。 随着他的总统任期将于 5 月 21 日结束,预计夏季将出现政治军事动荡,他可能会通过可疑的手段继续掌权。 这些事态发展符合俄罗斯在更广泛的冲突背景下的以下五个目标: 1、完全控制被占领领土:俄罗斯意图利用乌克兰的兵员短缺和补给问题,迫使基辅出手,为完全控制其新占领的土地创造条件,增强整体地区主导地位。 2.迫使乌克兰解除东部地区的武装:俄罗斯没有声称拥有主权,而是寻求这些地区的非军事化作为防御缓冲区,并可能在以后归还乌克兰管​​理下占领的土地。 3.阻止北约跨越第聂伯河:在避免与北约直接对抗的同时,俄罗斯计划利用核演习来威慑北约的潜在干预。 此外,印度或梵蒂冈等有影响力的行为体的外交干预可以在冲突各方之间进行调解。 4.塑造后泽伦斯基继任者:自从承认乌克兰现任领导人为非法领导人以来,俄罗斯努力影响未来领导人的选拔过程,以寻找更有利的谈判盟友。 5. 确保有利于俄罗斯核心利益的和平条款:在西方日益介入的情况下,俄罗斯努力实现和平解决,同时维护重要的安全关切。 尽管在实现最高要求方面遇到了挫折,莫斯科仍然致力于利用创造性方法来实现长期稳定。

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原文

By Andrew Korybko of the Korybko substack

The five objectives that are enumerated in this piece encapsulate what Russia nowadays aims to achieve after over two years of intense proxy warfare with NATO.

Zelensky claimed on Friday that Russia’s long-awaited offensive had finally begun following its fresh push into Kharkov Region from which it tactically pulled back in September 2022. This precedes him likely clinging to power on legally dubious pretexts once his term expires on 21 May and aligns with the Ukrainian Intelligence Committee’s prediction of political-military troubles heading into his summer.

Here are the five objectives that Russia arguably aims to achieve in view of the conflict’s larger context:

1. Create The Conditions For Russia To Control The Entirety Of Its New Regions

Russia’s increasingly frequent gains in Donbass over the past month speak to how serious Ukraine’s conscription and logistical crises have become, thus enabling Moscow to push them to the breaking point by opening up a new front at this precise moment in time. This is meant to facilitate a military breakthrough for expelling Ukrainian forces from the entirety of Russia’s new regions, with any collapse of the front lines consequently paving the way for achieving additional military-political goals.

2. Coerce Ukraine Into Demilitarizing All Of Its Rump Regions East Of The Dnieper

Russia is unlikely to make territorial claims to Ukraine’s rump regions east of the Dnieper due to the high cost of sustainably securing, rebuilding, and integrating them, which is why it’ll probably instead demand their demilitarization as a buffer zone in exchange for letting Kiev retain political control. Any areas that it captures throughout the course of this reportedly launched campaign could be handed back upon that happening in a variation of the alleged compromises contained in spring 2022’s draft treaty.  

3. Deter NATO From Crossing The Dnieper If Member States’ Forces Conventionally Intervene

Russia doesn’t want NATO conventionally intervening in this conflict, but if member states like France and/or Poland unilaterally do so in the event that the front lines collapse, then Moscow hopes that its newly announced tactical nuclear weapons exercises will deter them from crossing the Dnieper. In connection with that, India and/or the Vatican could convey Russia’s red line to NATO, while Russia could restrain itself from chasing fleeing troops to and over the river so as to not worsen the security dilemma.

4. Influence Ukraine’s Possibly Impending US-Backed Regime Change Process

The Kremlin won’t negotiate with Zelensky, Poroshenko, or any of the other Ukrainian figures that were just placed on its Interior Ministry’s wanted list since it regards them as illegitimate so the US couldn’t freeze the conflict without someone else in power. Russia’s foreign intelligence service recently reported that the US is already exploring possible replacements to Zelensky, and Moscow naturally wants to influence this process in order to filter out figures who it knows wouldn’t abide by any peace agreement.

5. End The Conflict In A Way That Ensures Russia’s Core Security Interests In The New Reality

Russia’s maximalist goals of demilitarizing Ukraine, denazifying it, and restoring that country’s constitutional neutrality are unlikely to be achieved in full given the new reality of NATO preparing for a conventional intervention up to the Dnieper in order to avoid a strategic defeat in this proxy war. Considering that, Russia must resort to creative military-diplomatic means for ensuring its core security interests, though that requires an information campaign for tempering its supporters’ expectations.  

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As argued above, Russia’s fresh push into Kharkov Region is intended to end this conflict by year’s end in the best-case scenario, though that of course can’t be taken for granted given the fog of war and innumerable variables that the public isn’t privy to. Nevertheless, the five objectives that were enumerated in this piece encapsulate what it nowadays aims to achieve after over two years of intense proxy warfare with NATO, which might lead to some observers recalibrating their analyses.

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