“共和国就是这样崩溃的”:另一个不利的决定让媒体和专家陷入了令人毛骨悚然的崩溃
"This Is How Republics Collapse": Another Adverse Decision Sends Press & Pundits Into Hair-Pulling Meltdown

原始链接: https://www.zerohedge.com/political/how-republics-collapse-another-adverse-decision-sends-press-pundits-hair-pulling-meltdown

在《共和国就是这样崩溃》一书中,作者乔纳森·特利探讨了艾琳·坎农法官驳回佛罗里达州针对唐纳德·特朗普的案件,这在保守派和民主党中引发了争议。 批评者认为,允许一名法官做出这样的决定会给民主本身带来风险。 这份长达 93 页的裁决的核心涉及司法部长(特别是梅里克·加兰)在任命美国检察官并授予他们额外权力时规避宪法程序的权力。 1999年,《独立检察官法》终止,尽管最高法院尚未就此事作出明确裁决,但总检察长只能依靠固有权力任命“下级官员”进行特别检察官调查。 尽管受到批评,一些人认为坎农法官关于调查的任命和资助缺乏明确权威的调查结果是异常的,而另一些人则引用了过去维护总检察长权威的判决。 尽管如此,许多法律专家和学者谴责坎农的裁决,认为它与既定的有约束力的先例相矛盾。 法律专家还断言,坎农法官的裁决表明他无视华盛顿特区巡回法院等高级法院的裁决。 一些分析人士建议罢免坎农法官,因为她的解释与最高法院的几名成员和多名前美国司法部长相冲突。 他们认为,这为司法公正和有偏见的裁决开了一个危险的先例。 然而,最终,坎农法官仅受第十一巡回法院和最高法院的约束,允许就法律问题得出不同的结论,案件仍可能在上诉中继续推进。

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原文

Authored by Jonathan Turley,

“This is how republics collapse.” Those ominous words captured the hand-wringing, hair-pulling reaction to the dismissal of the Florida case against Donald Trump by Judge Aileen Cannon.

It was not just that she reached a conclusion long supported by some conservative lawyers and a Supreme Court justice.

To rule in favor of Trump in such a dismissal is, once again, the end of Democracy as we know it.

The 93-page order methodically goes through the governing cases and statutes for the appointment of prosecutors. There has long been a debate over how an attorney general like Merrick Garland can circumvent the constitutional process for the appointment of a U.S. Attorney and unilaterally elevate a citizen to wield even greater power.

With the expiration of the Independent Counsel Act in 1999, attorneys general have long relied upon their inherent authority to appoint “inferior officers” to special counsel investigations. The issue has never been conclusively ruled upon by the Supreme Court, even though lower courts have rejected this challenge.

The Trump ruling is certainly an outlier and the odds favor prosecutor Jack Smith on appeal. Many point to a challenge in 2019 in the D.C. Circuit to the appointment of Robert Mueller. The court found that “binding precedent establishes that Congress has ‘by law’ vested authority in the Attorney General to appoint the Special Counsel as an inferior officer.”

That is the view of many lawyers and judges. However, Judge Cannon disagreed and found a lack of clear authority for both the appointment and the appropriations used for Smith.

Nevertheless, legal experts were incredulous and irate. Jed Shugerman, a Fordham Law professor, is quoted as expressing shock that Judge Cannon is essentially saying, “I’m not bound by the DC Circuit, and I think they misinterpret this.”

He added that it showed an “astonishing level of dismissiveness.”

However, in point of fact, Judge Cannon is not bound by the D.C. Circuit. As a federal judge in Florida, she is bound by the 11th Circuit and, of course, the Supreme Court. She is allowed to reach a different conclusion on a matter of law.

Laurence Tribe, a law professor at Harvard University, declared that “Judge Cannon just did the unthinkable,” He added, “This finally gives Jack Smith an opportunity to seek her removal from the case. I think the case for doing so is very strong.” (Tribe previously declared that he was certain “without any doubt, beyond a reasonable doubt, beyond any doubt” that Trump could be charged with the attempted murder of former Vice President Michael Pence).

It does not matter to these critics that other lawyers and judges agree with Judge Cannon.

Justice Clarence Thomas recently expressed the same view in the Trump immunity decision in his concurrence. He did not view this as a settled question and wrote “if this unprecedented prosecution is to proceed, it must be conducted by someone duly authorized to do so by the American people. The lower courts should thus answer these essential questions concerning the special counsel’s appointment before proceeding.”

Yet these experts believe that a judge without a direct controlling case on the question should be removed for reaching the same conclusion as a member of the Supreme Court and at least two former U.S. Attorneys General.

Of course, these experts would be aghast at any suggestion that D.C. District Court Judge Tanya Chutkan should be removed after being reversed by the Supreme Court in the recent immunity opinion.

Such experts are not raising questions of bias over Chutkin’s rulings in favor of Smith or the similar pattern of Manhattan Judge Juan Merchan.

Yet Cannon is viewed as not simply wrong, but partisan in ruling for Trump.

When judges are pressured or removed for ruling against favored parties.

When the system is undermined by leading political leaders who go to the steps of the Supreme Court to threaten justices that they “will pay the price” for ruling against one side.

When law professors call the courts the “enemy” and push to cut off air conditioning to coerce them to resign.

Alexander Hamilton once said that the Republic is preserved “through the medium of courts of justice, whose duty it must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the Constitution void.”

That does not mean that the trial courts are always right. That is why we have appellate courts. However, conflicting decisions are the norm in cases that make it to the Supreme Court. Indeed, the justices often wait for such divisions to occur before they finally resolve long-standing questions.

These demands for the removal of Judge Cannon are simply extensions of the same group think culture of the “defenders of Democracy.” This Republic will not “collapse” if Judge Cannon is right or if she is wrong. It is safe as long as judges are able to rule according to their understanding of the law, regardless of the demands of the perpetually and emphatically enraged.

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