伊朗部分地区固定电话线路中断,目击者称。
Landline phones cut in parts of Iran, eyewitnesses say

原始链接: https://www.iranintl.com/en/202601085355

对伊朗抗议最初10天463个视频的最新分析显示,抗议活动迅速从经济不满演变为明确的政治诉求。 最初,商贩们专注于相互支持和罢工呼吁,政治口号有限。 然而,几天之内,直接拒绝伊斯兰共和国的口号——以及越来越多地呼吁巴列维王朝复辟——占据了主导地位。 抗议活动从德黑兰等主要城市蔓延到较小的城镇和村庄,受到愤怒、悲伤和变革愿望的推动。 虽然口号各不相同——包括“女性、生命、自由”运动的回声——但出现了两个主要主题:反对现政权和支持巴列维家族。 随着动荡的持续,悼念仪式成为焦点,将挽歌与对政权变革的 renewed 呼吁结合起来。 在这段时期结束时,尽管视频可用性减少,但抗议活动仍在加剧, “打倒独裁者”和“国王万岁”等口号变得普遍。 这场起义清晰地表达了对伊斯兰共和国的替代方案,预示着伊朗人民对不同未来的持续追求。

一份最新报告显示,伊朗部分地区的固定电话服务中断(iranintl.com)。这一消息引发了 Hacker News 的讨论,用户指出 **Meshtastic** (meshtastic.org) 可能是通信的潜在替代方案。 Meshtastic 使用 LoRa 技术,引发了关于可检测性和抗干扰性的问题。虽然 LoRa *可以* 被定位并可能被干扰,但专家指出干扰需要大量电力且范围有限。此外,LoRa 的处理增益提供了一些弹性。 讨论还涉及到一个相关事件:伊朗经历 IPv6 黑客攻击。一些评论员将这些事件视为更广泛、更缓慢的“颜色革命”的一部分。
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原文

“Honorable merchants; support, support!” When security forces arrived, the most urgent refrain was not yet a political manifesto. It was a promise of mutual protection: “Don’t be afraid, don’t be afraid; we’re all in this together.”

From there, the videos show how quickly what many initially read as an economic protest widened into something explicitly political.

Iran International reviewed 463 clips from the uprising’s first 10 days – recorded in 91 cities, towns and villages – and coded every instance in which chants were clearly audible.

Across the footage, we identified 93 distinct chants heard across 641 recorded chant instances, or occurrences of chants in the videos, not a count of unique slogans or unique events.

The slogans heard across that footage trace a rapid shift: from strike calls and solidarity to direct rejection of the Islamic Republic and, increasingly, calls for the return of monarchy.

That first day, the footage was narrow. Beyond one clip from Shoush market – where merchants chanted, “Pezeshkian, have some shame; give up the presidency” – few other slogans from outside the merchants’ immediate world were clearly audible in the videos we reviewed.

On the second day, strike calls such as “Close up, close up” still echoed through the bazaars – but the protest vocabulary broke decisively into open confrontation with the Islamic Republic.

In Tehran, chants like “Until the cleric is buried, this homeland won’t become a homeland” and “Cannons, tanks, fireworks; mullahs must go” signaled a shift from trade grievance to political defiance.

That same day, a line surfaced that would come to define the first 10 days in our video analysis: “This is the final battle; Pahlavi will return.”

From this point forward, the uprising’s slogans were no longer simply about pressure or protest. They were about power – and what should replace it.

The pro-Pahlavi chant was heard in universities too, surprising some observers and even triggering accusations of video manipulations.

At Allameh Tabataba’i University, students chanted, “Neither Pahlavi nor the Supreme Leader, freedom and equality.” At Beheshti University, a line from the Woman Life Freedom movement of 2022 was heard: “You’re the lecher; you’re the whore; I am a free woman."

As the days went on, the geography widened.

The footage moved beyond Tehran into smaller cities and towns – Kouh-Chenar, Farsan, Asadabad, Juneghan – while protests continued in dormitories as well as streets.

What stood out across these scenes was not only the spread of the demonstrations, but the repetition of two dominant political poles in what people shouted: opposition to the Islamic Republic, and support for the Pahlavi family.

By the middle of the 10-day period, the uprising’s language also began to absorb the weight of mourning. Chants were not only rallying cries, but elegies.

In Kouhdasht, mourners chanted: “This flower has been torn apart; it has become a gift to the homeland.” They also repeated the slogans already familiar from the streets: “Pahlavi will return,” and “Death to the dictator.”

In Fooladshahr, mourners chanted “Death to Khamenei” at the burial of Dariush Ansari, one of the first protesters killed in this round of unrest. In Marvdasht, at the burial of Khodadad Shirvani Monfared, “Long live the Shah” was also chanted.

The uprising was not speaking in one register. It was speaking in many – anger, grief, defiance, and sometimes myth.

In Zahedan, footage recorded “Allahu Akbar” and “Death to Khamenei” after Friday prayers. In a village in Hamedan province, another line appeared: “Wail, Seyyed Ali (Khamenei); Pahlavi is coming.”

In Shiraz University’s dormitory courtyard, students chanted: “The Shah is coming home; Zahhak will be overthrown” – using the mythic tyrant Zahhak as a stand-in for Khamenei.

Toward the end of the 10 days, the volume of videos fell – fewer clips surfaced in our review – yet some of the most intense scenes were recorded in that period.

Funerals in Malekshahi, Ilam province, for Latif Karimi, Reza Azimi, and Mehdi Emami-Pour were marked by chants including “I will kill, I will kill, whoever killed my brother.”

One clip recorded citizens pleading “Police force; support, support” during an attack on a hospital in Malekshahi, even as officers stormed the facility.

Day 9 brought a quieter map but a sharper political profile. In the footage published from eight cities and villages, three chants rose most clearly: “Long live the Shah,” “Death to the dictator,” and “Neither Gaza nor Lebanon; my life for Iran.”

In Chenar-Sheikh (Chenar Sofla), the biggest village in Hamedan province, protests continued, and one line that drew attention – “Khamenei is a murderer; in your dreams” – echoed a Persian-language comment posted by Elon Musk under one of Ali Khamenei’s posts on X.

Then, on the tenth day, the footage suggested renewed momentum. Protests were recorded across 19 cities, with the signature chants against "the dictator" and for Pahlavi leading the chorus.

In some campuses, students continued – sometimes with the simplest insistence of all: “Freedom, freedom, freedom”; sometimes with a pledge of endurance: “Don’t think it’s just today, our appointment is every day.”

Across the footage, one thing is constant: people are not only protesting, but naming an alternative.

The future of this latest round of unrest is not written. But another chapter in Iranians' journey towards an Iran without the Islamic Republic is being drafted, line by line - and in the open.

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