The BBC (UK), Daily Maverick (South Africa), and Excelsior (Mexico) have created designated sections within their websites that collate good news, while the Guardian (UK) and Delfino.cr (Costa Rica) offer uplifting newsletters. The Globe and Mail (Canada) has done deeper editorial restructuring with this in mind, creating new beats for ‘healthy living’ and ‘happiness’, among others.
4. Embracing audio and video
This chapter explores the different media formats that young people are accessing for news. While there are specific trends around platforms and formats, what unites them is the shift towards more audiovisual content.
While young people are certainly still consuming news online in traditional ways, they tend to be more likely than older groups to prefer audio and video, and the platforms that provide
these formats.
Young people are leaning towards audio and video news
When we ask in the abstract about people’s preferences for different formats when it comes to online news, while reading remains the favoured way to engage with news online across all age groups, we can see that preferences for watching and listening are higher among younger age groups (Figure 15, with data from 2025). This chart shows that, across all the markets we cover, 32% of 18–24s prefer watching news online, compared with 25% of 55 and overs. This has changed over the years, with audio and video preferences on the rise – especially in African, Latin American, and South-East Asian markets.
Figure 15.
The BBC’s Global News Podcast is a good way to present news as it can sometimes be hard to sit and read long articles.
(Female, 19, UK) From Collao 2022.
I tend to be a fan of a mix of videos accompanied by text and infographics to help me digest the facts.
(Male, 20, UK) From Collao 2022.
Young people are the age group who report watching most online news video, with nearly three out of four (73%) 18–24s saying they watched a short-form news video weekly in 2024, compared with 60% among those 55+. Much of this is driven by vertical video on platforms like TikTok and Instagram, a feature publishers are increasingly integrating into their own news websites and apps. Brands like The Economist, The New York Times, and CNN have all launched dedicated video tabs in their apps, as they try to increase engagement and encourage on-site video consumption, as well as repurpose content made for video networks (Newman 2026; Tameez 2025). Former BBC and Vice journalist Sophia Smith Galer, who pioneered TikTok journalism in the UK, has also launched an app to help journalists optimise their scripts for vertical video, including a teleprompter tool.
Young people are watching more long news videos and streaming too. Markets like Argentina have seen a boom in platform-native video like Olga and Luzu TV, which blend news and entertainment in a mix of live and pre-recorded videos. The latter has nearly three million subscribers on YouTube, now one of the 16 news brands in Argentina with the largest reach online (8%) according to our 2025 data, with an audience that skews young (16% among 18–24s). YouTube-native Kanal Zero in Poland has likewise achieved success with its fast-paced live broadcasts, debates, and interviews among an audience disproportionately made up of Millennials and Gen Zs.
Young people are gravitating towards audiovisual platforms
As we documented in the first chapter of this report, social media is now the primary access point for news among young people. But beneath this headline finding there are also important shifts in the specific social and video platforms young people are using – especially when it comes to news.
Figure 16 shows how social media use for news has changed among 18–24s (in a subset of nine markets we have tracked over time). When it comes to news, Facebook is clearly much less central for young people now than it was around ten years ago. For young people in 2014, it was by far the most widely used network for news, with 47% of 18–24s using it weekly. A decade later only 16% use it for news, leaving it trailing behind most of the other platforms. Instead, today’s young people prefer visual-based platforms like Instagram (30% in 2025), YouTube (23%), and, increasingly, TikTok (22%), resulting in a much more fragmented social and video platform ecosystem.
Figure 16.
The rise of TikTok has perhaps been the main social media story of the past decade, dramatically increasing in usage for any purpose among 18–24s, with almost half (47%) globally saying they used TikTok weekly in 2025 (Figure 17). Other platforms responded with their own short-form video features, with YouTube (Shorts) and Instagram (Reels) being launched, both in 2020. Meanwhile, those aged 55 and over have remained on Facebook, with use for any purpose remaining stable over time. In contrast, the decline in usage among 18–24s is substantive (down 37pp since 2014).
[Facebook is] ancient. Like, a mum’s thing. I don’t really use it anymore.
(Female, 18–20, UK) From Galan et al. 2019
A TV reporter who also has a TikTok page gives us regular updates on the situation. It feels comforting and more intimate than watching on TV news.
(Female, 22, UK) From Collao 2022.
Figure 17.
Aware this is where young people are increasingly spending time, publishers keen on courting them have leaned into TikTok (Newman 2022). The Washington Post was one prominent early adopter, pioneered by Dave Jorgenson (also known as the Post’s ‘TikTok guy’), who launched its channel in 2019 to great success. Many others have since followed suit on the platform, geared towards faster-paced, entertaining, and personality-driven news videos. However, Jorgenson left the Washington Post in 2025 to start his own media company (Local News International), taking much of the audience with him, and pre-empting one of the risks for organisations taking a personality-led approach, where news brands are sometimes overshadowed by the individuals fronting them.
Video-led platforms more generally have proven to be fertile ground for digital news startups looking to fill gaps left by traditional outlets, many of them managed by and directed towards young people. US-based Roca News caters to Millennials and Gen Z via Instagram and YouTube, as well as a newsletter and app, aiming to provide ‘factual and enjoyable’ news. Ac2ality, founded in 2020 by four Spanish young women, has more than six million followers on TikTok, where it ‘translates newspapers’ for younger audiences.
Another way to understand the generational differences in platform use is comparing the social and video networks most used by 18–24s with those used by the 55 and overs. Figure 18, which includes all the markets in our Digital News Report 2025, illustrates the dominance of audiovisual platforms among the 18–24 age group, with the perennially youth-focused Snapchat even making an appearance on the list of most-used apps (24% report using it for any purpose weekly). Notably, YouTube is a popular platform across age groups, with growing usage even among those 55 and over (see also Ofcom 2025).
Figure 18.
This table also shows that social and video network use tends to be higher across the board among younger people. In fact, if we look at the average number of platforms used weekly for any purpose, it is 4.6 among 18–24s, compared with 3.4 among the 55+ group. This illustrates the diversification of young people’s media diets as they combine a larger number of platforms into their repertoires (Frey and Friemel 2023). The fact that they consume more media in more places, however, can also make it challenging for journalists to locate and reach them through any single platform.
On TV we always see the same things, but on YouTube, Spotify, TikTok, we have a range of diversity. … We can get all this and see that there is diversity, society far beyond just what we live.
(Male, 18, Brazil) From Newman et al. 2022.
Young people are consuming podcasts and audio
The rise of audiovisual platforms among younger people has also influenced another type of media: podcasts. Young people are more likely to engage with podcasts generally, but they also increasingly access podcasts in video form, raising the question of what constitutes a podcast in an increasingly visual multimedia environment. While the most successful video-based podcasts deal with topics outside the realm of news, the news industry is taking notice of the trend, with traditional news outlets like the BBC and the New York Times venturing into the world of video podcasting, alongside independent journalists like Anabel Hernández (Mexico) and newer digital brands like Watif (Spain).
Looking at the general landscape of podcasts using data from 2024, it is clear that they are a much more popular format among younger people than older: 59% of 18–24s reported listening to any kind of podcast monthly, compared with just 24% of 55 and overs (Figure 19). However, age differences are much less stark when we zoom in on news podcasts specifically. Close to half of the podcast listening for people 55+ is news, whereas it is a much smaller proportion (around a third) of the podcasts young people say they listen to. Differences in news podcast usage across regions are also small, despite the USA having a far more developed podcasting market than in other parts of the world.
Figure 19.
Why do news podcasts have relatively less appeal among young people? One factor may be around definitions of what podcasts or news-related podcasts are. Many young people may not see their favourite podcasts as being in the news category. These may be chat shows, comedy shows, or interview format shows that sometimes touch on news.
For hobby news I prefer things like YouTube videos or podcasts that I can listen to while doing other things. I’m listening to one about new TV as I write this. For legitimate news, I like to read it, though video aids like the videos of missiles being launched at homes in the current Russia/Ukraine crisis are welcomed when article relevant.
(Male, 18, USA) From Collao 2022
On the other hand, when we asked people to name the news-related podcasts they listened to most, Joe Rogan was often at the top of the list. Is the Joe Rogan Experience a news podcast? Or just a podcast that sometimes generates news because of its famous host and guests? Podcast listeners we talked to in qualitative research came down on both sides. Notably, many popular news-related podcasts exist outside of the mainstream, often with partisan leanings. Online, social-first, and video-first brands like MeidasTouch, The Young Turks, and Pod Save America have dominated spaces like YouTube. The Daily Wire, on the political right, has also built up a large following with podcasts from Ben Shapiro and Jordan Peterson.
5. Two new sources: Individual creators and Generative AI
All of the changes, behaviours, attitudes, and preferences we have outlined up to this point have contributed to the emergence of two new ways of getting news and information about the world: individual news creators and generative AI chatbots.
Both have started to grow in prominence in recent years, and are particularly popular with younger age groups. Both also have a complex, intertwined relationship with the established news media. Some individual creators rely heavily on repackaging and reinterpreting existing news coverage, and if asked about news, generative AI chatbots will often draw on material from news outlets.
In this sense, and others, these are not entirely ‘new’ sources of news, but their popularity and growth among young audiences makes them important to examine in the context of this report. They also highlight how many young people would like news to be easier to navigate. As we shall see, some of the most popular individual creators provide news explainers, and generative AI is used by some to make news easier and quicker to understand.
Young people are engaging with individual creators
The growth of video networks and podcasts is hard to understand without examining the role of creators or influencers, who are especially popular as sources of news among younger people. As we’ve shown in previous work (Newman et al. 2025a), this is an incredibly diverse and fragmented ecosystem. It is also one that varies hugely in size by country. It is much more prominent in parts of Asia, Africa, and Latin America – and increasingly in the USA. However, in Western and Northern Europe, the continued strength of the established media makes it tougher for individual creators to break through.
When we take a closer look at the creator ecosystem, commentary – often partisan and sometimes controversial – tends to draw most attention, with big names like Joe Rogan, Piers Morgan, and Candace Owens at the fore. However, we also find a subset of (mostly young) creators who simplify and decode news for young people, often remixing mainstream content into more accessible formats.
Hugo Travers (HugoDécrypte) from France famously grew a YouTube channel he started as a university student into a media company that ‘deciphers’ news for millions of young people. Other successful creators taking similar approaches include Dylan Page (News Daddy) from the UK, Kovy from the Czech Republic, and Abhi and Niyu from India.
Some well-known creators started their careers with traditional outlets, breaking out to focus on their own projects. For example, Taylor Lorenz previously covered internet culture at the Washington Post but left to run her own Substack and podcast. Others like Tucker Carlson (formerly Fox News) and aforementioned Dave Jorgenson (also from the Washington Post) have left news organisations and started their own small media companies, often looking for more editorial control or to make more money (Newman et al. 2025a).
Trying to get an accurate understanding of the reach and relative importance of news creators (compared with the mainstream press) is difficult for various reasons – and can easily be overestimated if we look solely at metrics like view counts on platforms. Nonetheless, the rise of independent news creators online has caused some concern in the news industry as it relates to attention, but also accuracy of information and the potential harms that unverified information might lead to. At the same time, some also sense an opportunity to learn more from individuals who clearly have a knack of engaging parts of the public that the news media struggle to reach.
One way to understand the rise of news creators is by looking at the proportion of social media users who say they pay most attention to creators vs traditional news brands. In 2025, we can see that more young people report paying attention to creators or personalities than to mainstream news (Figure 20). Around half of social media news users aged 18–24 (51%) say they pay most attention to creators or personalities for news. Only 39% say they pay most attention to traditional media or journalists. These figures are essentially flipped for social media users aged 55+.
Figure 20.
There are also important regional differences in online behaviour connected to the role of age. In many regions with young populations, the differences across age groups are even larger when it comes to preferences. In Africa, relatively more attention is paid to online news creators across all age groups, but especially among 18–24s. However, in Europe and Latin America, even the 18–24s say that they pay more attention to traditional news media and journalists when using social media for news.
These findings give us a baseline understanding of how attention dynamics for news vary by age groups, but there remains an open question about the extent to which creators replace rather than complement traditional outlets for news. We cannot definitively answer that question with these data alone, but our findings do suggest that the people most likely to consume news from online content creators are also the ones most likely to consume news from mainstream sources – they are news lovers.
Young people and generative AI
Since the release of ChatGPT to the public in November 2022, there has been a proliferation of generative AI technologies, companies, and use cases in all areas of life, including the consumption of news. Audiences have begun to use generative AI for news-related queries. Notably, this use of AI for news – and in general (Eurostat 2026) – is far more common among younger age groups. The following chart shows the proportion of people across all our markets in 2025 who say they used AI to access news in the past week. We can see that reported usage is considerably higher among 18–24s, with 15% saying they use it weekly, compared with just 3% of those 55+ (Figure 21). These figures will no doubt change over time.
Figure 21.
Much of this AI-related news use is likely driven by young people’s greater awareness of, comfort with, and adoption of new technologies more generally. We saw evidence for this in qualitative work we conducted in 2024 (Collao 2024), where young interviewees who had grown up with computers and smartphones suggested AI felt less disruptive and more like a logical next step in the evolution of technologies that were second-nature to them. This is one of the reasons why younger people tend to be at the fore of experimenting with new technologies, and in the case of AI, identifying how it could help solve practical challenges in their lives.
I’m used to computers and I’ve lived with them my whole life, so it’s [AI] like, ‘Ah, well, one more thing of daily life,’ no?
(Male, Mexico, 21) Unpublished quote from the Collao 2024 study.
I always use a lot of technology and even when AI started popping up, especially with ChatGPT, we were kind of the first people to hear about it because we’re, like, students and people have been saying, like, ‘It helps. You know, it can help you, right? It can help you, like, solve problems.’ So, we were kind of the first group to really try it out.
Female, USA, 22) Unpublished quote from the Collao 2024 study.
We see this generational divide in comfort levels in a question we asked in 2025 about AI and news in two hypothetical scenarios: (1) news made mostly by AI with some human oversight, and (2) news made mostly by humans with the assistance of AI. We see that people aged 18–24 are much more comfortable with AI’s involvement in the news-making process in both scenarios (Figure 22). Almost a third of 18–24s (30%) are comfortable with news being made mostly by AI, while 43% are comfortable with news being made with AI assistance. Comparatively, just 13% of 55 and overs are comfortable with AI-led news and 30% are comfortable with AI-assisted news. Attitudes differ by country too, with people in Europe much less comfortable with AI compared with people in the USA, where many of the most prominent AI companies are based.
Figure 22.
We also see age differences among the small group of people already using AI chatbots for news. Whereas older people more narrowly use them to get the latest news, younger people more often use them in more elaborate ways that help them navigate news (Figure 23). This may partly be a function of their greater comfort with new technologies, which lends itself to experimentation. However, some of these uses speak directly to the challenges we’ve seen young people encounter with news. For instance, nearly half (48%) of those aged 18–24 who used an AI chatbot for getting news (compared with only 27% among those 55+) say they used it specifically to make a news story easier to understand. Likewise young people are more likely to use AI chatbots for help evaluating news sources. These findings highlight how AI can support young people’s sensemaking as they navigate a crowded information environment saturated with brands they know less about and stories on long-running issues they may lack context for. However, it is important to be clear that using AI in this way is still very marginal, and people in all age groups are generally cautious about AI being used in the newsroom, particularly for content production.
Figure 23.
Nonetheless these findings also offer clues for publishers thinking about how AI may help them better serve young audiences. AI summaries have been rolled out in a growing number of newsrooms, aimed at condensing stories into shorter blocks or bullet points. Public service broadcaster NRK (Norway) and tabloid Aftonbladet (Sweden) both maintain their AI summaries have proven particularly popular among young people. Other outlets such as The Independent (UK) and Channel NewsAsia (Singapore) are rolling out standalone products or features (Bulletin and FAST, respectively) offering AI-powered news summaries for time-pressed consumers. Some of these products go a step further, incorporating the swiping logic of popular video platforms into the interface design.
In addition to their interest in AI to modify the language for different reading levels (24%) and to answer questions about the news (27%), young people also show relatively more interest in AI models that transform news formats, whether from text to audio (19%) or text to video (19%), as Figure 24 shows. This aligns with the stronger preferences we see among young people for audio and video formats online than older people, who, while being heavier users of offline TV, prefer reading news online. This is another area where publishers have taken notice, many of whom now offer the option to listen to text-based stories using an AI-generated voice. While many rely on more affordable generic tools available on the market, others, including some of Schibsted’s titles, have built bespoke AI models trained on the voices of well-known TV hosts.
Figure 24.
The rise of AI is not without its challenges and concerns, however. For publishers, one worry is that using AI may trigger distrust because people are concerned about factual accuracy and being able to tell what is real and fake online.
AI models capable of creating realistic human-like text, audio, images, and video make it increasingly hard to discern what is real and fake on the internet, as many people experienced firsthand when the AI-generated image of the pope in a puffer coat went viral in 2023. Since the launch of ChatGPT in 2022, we see in our data rising concern about false and misleading content online. When asked about levels of concern regarding what is real and fake on the internet, 60% of those aged 18–24 say they were concerned in 2025, up 8pp since 2022, back to pandemic levels, where people were very concerned about all of the conflicting information they were seeing about COVID-19.
However, for young people, AI is also more likely part of the toolkit for coping with misinformation. When asked where they turn if they want to verify something in the news, the 18–24s are more likely than those aged 35 and over to say they’d go to an AI chatbot (Figure 25).
Figure 25.
Perhaps a more important point is that AI is still some way behind official and trusted news sources for all age groups. News organisations can perhaps take some comfort from the fact that, despite all the changes that we have documented in this report, both young and old may still turn to them when it matters most.
Conclusion: What does this mean for publishers?
The period covered in this study has been marked by rapid technological change, with disproportionate uptake and impact among young people. Alongside a decline in direct news access online, the past decade has brought the rapid ascent of social and video networks, the explosion of online creators and influencers, and the introduction of generative AI – forces that are reshaping how young people engage with news. To be clear: young people are consuming large amounts of media and information online, but in different places and in different ways.
Our findings suggest that differences between how older and younger people access news are driven more by structural differences in media use rather than by attitudes towards news – which, as we’ve shown, tend to be fairly similar. That said, it is also true that increased news access via social and video networks may also be (re)shaping expectations among young people to a degree. In closing, we recap implications for news publishers across three interlocking areas: pathways, formats, and definitions of news.
1. Pathways to young people
Direct relationships between publishers and young audiences have weakened, as young people increasingly come across news on social and video networks, rather than seeking it out directly online or offline. As AI tools and summarising interfaces become more common gateways, questions of visibility, attribution, and editorial control will only intensify. While incidental exposure can expand reach and engagement, it weakens brand recall and differentiation (Kalogeropoulos et al. 2018), not to mention news habit formation. However, there is little reason to expect that young people will age into news habits that, unlike older generations, they have never been socialised into.
For many publishers, the question is not if but how to leverage the benefits of new platforms while managing risks. Video networks like TikTok magnify dependence on opaque systems over which publishers have little control, and reliance on platform gatekeeping, history has taught publishers, carries long-term risks (Nielsen and Ganter 2022). Video-led networks designed for in-platform consumption further inhibit referrals, posing additional challenges for monetisation. In addition, policy debates around platform bans for young people, as we’ve seen in Australia and across Europe, introduce further uncertainty, potentially disrupting established pathways to news among teenagers.
Even so, many publishers judge the risk necessary and worthwhile to the extent that it offers an avenue to build recognition and connection with young audiences. Demonstrating real value to young people will be crucial for achieving this, and there is a clear need for high-quality information in platform environments that reputable organisations are well placed to fill. Organisations of all types – both legacy and digital-born – using these platforms will need to continue trialling strategies for bringing audiences back into spaces where they have greater control and can more easily generate revenue, such as websites, apps, and newsletters, or closed networks such as WhatsApp and Telegram.
It is also worth noting that, as a group, young people are not homogeneous in their makeup or their preferences, meaning they cannot all be reached through any single platform or format. What’s more, the past decade has seen a broad shift across digital platforms towards greater personalisation. Young people are therefore increasingly accustomed to media environments tailored to their individual preferences. Studies from single-country settings highlight both the perceived benefits of news personalisation and concerns about the authenticity and sincerity of these efforts, as well as the importance of designing news personalisation experiments with users, not just for users (Monzer et al. 2020).
2. Adapting news formats
Given the social-first nature of younger people’s news consumption, format is not a secondary detail but a core feature. Newsrooms that remain primarily text-oriented may find themselves realigning towards environments where video and audio are more salient. Some are already trialling the use of AI to transform text into audio (or vice versa), and many are foregrounding vertical video on their websites and apps. On platforms like TikTok, short, visual-first formats such as explainers and recaps are increasingly central. Even notifications may need to function as micro-stories that deliver value in themselves, rather than simply driving traffic.
Preferences for audio and video also elevate storytelling and interactivity. Younger audiences gravitate towards engaging and emotionally resonant formats, in contrast to the more linear and formal presentation associated with traditional news. Content designed for shareability, including templates, captions, and visual cues, allows young people to react, respond, and circulate stories within their communities. News, in this sense, becomes not only information but a resource for connection.
At the same time, personality-driven environments reconfigure the competitive terrain as creators and influencers vie for attention and authority alongside institutional sources. This does not negate the value of professional journalism, especially as many heavy news users consume both. However, it can shift expectations about voice and relatability. As we’ve seen, many newsrooms are experimenting with more conversational tones, humour, and collaborations with trusted creators, or investing in in-house talent that can bridge institutional credibility and platform-native delivery. Finding the right balance, one that engages but does not conflict with journalism’s core principles or brand identities, is something newsrooms continue to grapple with.
3. Definitions of news
Throughout this report we’ve seen evidence of somewhat expanding understandings of what constitutes news and who can claim to be a journalist (see also Collao 2022; Eddy et al. 2025a, 2025b). On the one hand, we see broad agreement across generations when it comes to core attitudes around things like impartiality and trust. On the other hand, we see some variation around the edges of traditional news. Young people are more interested in news topics that are entertaining and fun, and more open to receiving this from individual creators. While they stand by neutrality, the baseline of what counts as a legitimate point of view has moved somewhat on issues like social justice. We also identify unmet needs from young people who more often struggle to understand the news or find its relevance for their lives and are more open to relying on alternative sources like news creators and AI chatbots to satisfy them.
For traditional media, addressing these mismatches will partly be a matter of agenda – dedicating resources to issues that young people care about and are drawn to, as well as finding ways to make difficult topics more compelling or comprehensible for them. We see many newsrooms experimenting with the use of AI to efficiently convert content into different formats, summarise news stories, and potentially distil complex topics for young people who by virtue of their age have less historical context about long-running stories. Part of the solution may also be about talent. Young journalists will be better attuned to the interests and preferences of their generation, and native in digital storytelling. Likewise, trust among young audiences often takes on the form of peer-to-peer cross-checks, which could be a way for newsrooms to build trust among younger audiences.
This is a highly dynamic and experimental space in which traditional news organisations coexist with digital-native startups and creators. Youth-oriented outlets and influencers often benefit from a more intuitive grasp of platform storytelling, aesthetics, and norms, but they face persistent revenue constraints and sometimes depend on the original reporting of legacy organisations. Established media, meanwhile, must weigh how far to stretch their brands to serve younger audiences without alienating older ones, whether by expanding core offerings or developing differentiated products. This will also look different for news organisations with distinct financial imperatives and public service mandates. Nonetheless, collaboration, adaptation, and strategic clarity will be essential in navigating a landscape where visibility and relevance remain central challenges.
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