A British exam board has removed Orwell's books from its examinations in the name of inclusivity and diversity. But Sisa San Sebastián Hurtig argues such political correctness has the opposite effect. Preventing children from reading Orwell hinders their understanding of political dynamics, particularly the way that class insecurity is driving the rise of the political right

A culture war over the literary canon

From September this year, British exam board Cambridge OCR will be removing Down and Out in Paris and London, the debut novel from George Orwell (1903–1950), from its exam syllabus. The book explores poverty, inequality and social exclusion in the two capitals. Its removal reflects a broader educational trend shaped by identity politics and debates surrounding 'wokeness'. Its removal follows the dropping in 2024 of classic American novels Of Mice and Men and To Kill a Mockingbird from the GCSE curriculum in Wales, amid concerns about racism.

Replacing Down and Out on the syllabus is a controversial biography of Orwell's first wife Eileen O'Shaughnessy. Inclusion of Anna Funder's book, which focuses on Orwell's alleged misogyny and mistreatment of women, suggests that exam boards are increasingly prioritising works by women, even if they lack the quality of literary classics. Critics call this 'oppression Olympics', the phenonemon in which the author's personal history outweighs their literary significance.

Also this year, a school library in Manchester, UK, reportedly used Al to identify books considered 'inappropriate'. Among almost 200 books it removed was Orwell's dystopian classic 1984.

These developments are not isolated culture-war examples, but reflect an anachronistic reading of literature. Rather than interpreting Orwell within his historical context, librarians are applying contemporary moral and feminist standards to the standards society held almost a century ago.

According to Iain Manfield, head of education at think tank Policy Exchange, the growing emphasis on inclusivity and identity politics has distorted GCSE and A-level content. He argues that purging Orwell's work in pursuit of political correctness risks overlooking the contemporary relevance of his analysis.

Culture trends in critical theory

Recent trends in critical political theory and literary studies are shifting towards cultural explanations of political and social inequality.

Contemporary scholarship argues that preserving white dominance, rather than analysing interstate conflict, has been the foundational purpose of the international relations discipline.

Many argue that race is constitutive of capitalism itself, and therefore central to understanding contemporary inequalities. Feminist scholars have made comparable arguments about gender. Together, these perspectives reinforce a broader turn towards intersectionality.

Contemporary scholarly attention is focusing on dismantling imperialism and capitalism rather than understanding how they were constructed and sustained

This reflects two wider developments. First, explanations of systems such as imperialism and capitalism have shifted from material factors towards identity, race, and gender. Second, scholarly attention is focusing on dismantling these systems rather than understanding how they were constructed and sustained.

Critical approaches often prioritise identity and culture but, while valuable, this emphasis has often come at the expense of class-based explanations.

Orwell's colonial links

George Orwell offers precisely what these trends overlook. His work contributes not only to critical theory but also to our understanding of contemporary political dynamics and systems of oppression. And having served for several years in the Indian Imperial Police, Orwell has a unique perspective.

In Burmese Days and The Road to Wigan Pier, Orwell exposes how British imperialism functioned not only to dominate abroad, but to manage class tensions at home. The empire displaced class grievances and stabilised social order. Members of the lower classes sought status in the colonies by embodying the ideal of the white imperial man, a position unavailable at home:

Theoretically you knew how to shoot and ride, although in practice you had no horses to ride and not an inch of ground to shoot over

George Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier, 1937

Systemic domination thus reconciled one's domestic social position through colonial privilege. Yet life in the colonies required participation in oppressive institutions, often driven by class insecurities. This produced moral corruption through awareness of contradictions between imperial ideals and practice.

Meanwhile, those remaining in Britain were insulated from this corruption. Britain's moral costs were displaced onto colonial actors, easing domestic tensions.

Working-class anxieties therefore drove imperial exploitation and, ultimately, broader systems of domination. By exploring moral corruption, Orwell draws attention to the psychology of class. His contribution extends beyond simply reintroducing class as an explanatory framework, because these psychological mechanisms remain transferable beyond imperial logics.

Moral corruption today

We can see similar patterns today. The European working class can no longer seek status in the colonies, so it is turning to the political right. Deprived of the security and opportunities promised by neoliberalism, the working classes increasingly seek inclusion through the exclusion of others.

Populist parties frame migration as an economic and cultural threat. They blame migrants for problems ranging from crime to unemployment. And while social democratic parties are campaigning on ideological platforms, many voters still prioritise material security. Voting patterns suggest that class remains central.

The European working classes, deprived of the opportunities promised by neoliberalism, seek inclusion through the exclusion of others

Far-right parties respond by directing working-class voters' frustration towards outsiders and migrants. Just as colonial oppression became a means to secure status, the far right presents exclusion as necessary for restoring the position of the working class. The gap between institutional complicity and its consequences, such as teen deportations, mirrors Orwell's notion of moral corruption.

Contemporary politics still reflects Orwell's insight that promises of status and belonging sustain systems of oppression. His work provides the missing diagnostic tool for understanding why working-class voters turn towards right-wing populist parties.

Beyond identity

When identity factors and culture wars dictate school reading lists and library collections, they risk narrowing our understanding of how oppressive dynamics endure. The state still speaks the language of class, but increasingly disguises it through arguments about inclusivity and diversity.

We must engage critically with authors without dismissing their work because of what they did or the beliefs they held. Orwell's writing, like that of many others, should remain part of the conversation because it supports and challenges contemporary debates.

To understand today's systems of power, scholarship must move beyond its overemphasis on culture and re-engage with class as a material and psychological force. Orwell remains essential in education because his work explains how class insecurity continues to fuel political division.