欧洲的超级富豪可以为欧盟预算提供相当大一部分资金
Europe's Ultra-Rich Could Fund a Substantial Part of the EU's Budget

原始链接: https://www.socialeurope.eu/europes-ultra-rich-could-fund-a-substantial-part-of-the-eus-budget

随着欧盟筹备 2028–2034 年预算,目前严重依赖各国国民总收入(GNI)分摊的筹资模式已愈发捉襟见肘。这些分摊款项主要源于劳动税和消费税,将财务负担转嫁给了普通收入者,并加剧了关于国家“净贡献”地位的争议,而非专注于欧洲共同投资。 为满足气候、数字化和安全领域日益增长的需求,欧盟必须转向“自有财源”——即不消耗国家预算的独立收入来源。分析表明,针对流动性强且税收不足的资产最为有效: * **超高净值税:** 对超过 1 亿欧元的净财富征收最低税,具有最高的收入潜力(每年高达 410 亿欧元),并能解决极端不平等问题。 * **跨境征费:** 对加密货币交易、航空和金融市场征税更适合在欧盟层面实施,因为这能抑制投机性的不稳定性,并防止因跨境流动而导致的避税行为。 通过采用这些新的收入来源,欧盟可以摆脱“净贡献”的陷阱,实现可持续融资,并将政治重心从国家成本转向欧洲公共产品的共同利益。

这场 Hacker News 的讨论围绕着一项提案展开,该提案旨在通过对欧洲大陆的超级富豪征税来资助欧盟预算。各方反应两极分化,反映出人们在税收和治理问题上更深层次的争论。 支持者认为,针对超级富豪——特别是欧洲常见的“坐享其成”的旧式财富和寻租继承人——是目前减轻劳动者沉重税负的一种可行替代方案。一些人指出,由于欧盟缺乏美国那种高水平的创新和白手起家的财富,财富税不太可能阻碍经济进步。 然而,批评者表示怀疑。许多人担心会出现“滑坡谬误”,警告称最初针对超级富豪的税收最终会扩大到中产阶级身上。另一些人则认为,政府的扩张从根本上是由自私自利的官僚机构推动的,而非为了公共福利。此外,一些评论者认为这种广泛的讨论带有意识形态色彩,并指出诸如“将官僚机构削减 90%”之类的激进提案,不过是无视财政改革复杂性的“文化战争”辞令。归根结底,该讨论串凸显了追求通过财富再分配实现社会公平的人群,与警惕政府过度扩张及潜在经济停滞的人群之间存在的严重分歧。
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原文

  • A budget financed by wages: Gross national income-based national contributions rest largely on taxes on labour and consumption, so the EU budget ultimately leans on ordinary earners.
  • The net-position trap: While Brussels depends on national transfers, the debate collapses into who pays in and who takes out, crowding out any discussion of European public goods.
  • Taxing the very wealthy: A minimum tax on individuals with net wealth above €100 million carries by far the largest revenue potential of the options assessed.
  • Mobility argues for Europe: Financial trades, crypto assets and flights cross borders too easily for national taxation to bite, which is precisely why EU-level levies would work better.
  • New money, not recycled money: Taxes on ultra-high wealth and crypto transactions barely exist nationally, so an EU levy would add revenue rather than take it from national treasuries.

Spending needs for the EU budget for 2028–2034 have grown, and nowhere more so than in the investment required for the social and ecological transformation. At the same time, it is important to move beyond the problematic debate about higher national contributions to the EU budget, since those contributions are financed largely through taxes on labour and consumption. We have analysed how new EU revenue sources — among them taxes on ultra-high wealth and on crypto transactions — could help to do exactly that.

Political negotiations on the EU budget for the years 2028–2034 are entering a critical phase. The European Commission has presented a concrete proposal for a larger EU budget. Under it, the budget for the 2028–2034 period would amount to almost €2 trillion, or around 1.26 per cent of the EU’s gross national income (GNI), compared with approximately 1.1 per cent under the current financial framework.

The larger budget is intended to address growing public spending requirements related to climate action and digitalisation, public security and competitiveness, while also meeting the repayment obligations arising from the Covid-19 recovery fund.

The EU budget is currently financed predominantly through contributions from the member states, calculated on the basis of GNI and raised, in turn, mainly through taxes on labour and consumption. They are supplemented by revenue from value-added tax and customs duties.

This financing architecture has long been criticised, because it frequently narrows political debate to national net positions. Attention then fixes on how much each member state contributes and how much EU funding it receives in return. Such a perspective makes it more difficult to view the EU budget as an instrument for financing common European tasks, and it thereby limits the political scope for collective action at the European level.

Expanding genuine EU own resources — that is, revenue that does not come directly from national budget contributions but rests on common European levies or cross-border tax bases and is permanently assigned to the EU budget — could partly break with this logic. On the one hand, the Commission’s proposal for the 2028–2034 EU budget includes channelling 30 per cent of the revenue from the Emissions Trading System (ETS) and three-quarters of future revenue from the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) into the EU budget. On the other hand, it includes a levy on uncollected electronic waste, a European tobacco tax and a new corporate contribution. Together with adjustments to existing own resources — such as reducing the share of customs revenue retained by member states and increasing the plastic levy — these measures are intended to generate an additional €58.2 billion in annual revenue.

The plans presented by the European Commission have, however, already encountered reservations in several member states. It therefore makes sense to consider options that go beyond the Commission’s current proposals.

Untapped revenue potential

Our study assesses both the own resources proposed by the European Commission and a range of alternative options, evaluating them according to criteria that include their European dimension, their distributional effects, their suitability for addressing environmental and societal externalities, and their revenue potential.

The results show that various alternative instruments — among them a financial transaction tax, an EU-level digital tax, taxes on cryptocurrency transactions and online gambling, aviation-related levies, and taxes on very wealthy individuals — could generate revenue while simultaneously addressing challenges such as tax avoidance, financial-market instability, climate change and rising inequality.

The sums involved vary widely. At the modest end sit annual revenues of around €2 billion from taxing online gambling and €3 billion from levies on cryptocurrency transactions. Aviation-related taxes occupy the middle ground, at between €5 billion and €7 billion a year. At the top end, taxing ultra-wealthy individuals could raise as much as €41 billion annually.

Where only Europe can act

A financial transaction tax would not only generate additional revenue for the EU budget; it would also make short-term and speculative trading in financial markets more expensive. It could therefore help to curb certain forms of destabilising financial-market activity. Since financial transactions frequently take place across borders, and market participants can relocate relatively easily, there is a strong case for a coordinated European solution rather than fragmented national approaches. Previous proposals for a European financial transaction tax envisaged, for example, low tax rates on transactions involving shares, bonds and derivatives.

An aviation-related levy is another natural candidate for a new EU own resource. Aviation benefits from preferential tax treatment compared with other transport sectors, including exemptions from value-added tax and the limited inclusion of international flights in carbon pricing. A levy linked to the carbon dioxide emissions generated by flights could therefore reflect environmental externalities more accurately in ticket prices while simultaneously generating revenue for European priorities. Since emissions from international flights cannot meaningfully be attributed to a single member state, and national ticket taxes can partly be circumvented by flying from airports in neighbouring countries, an EU-wide solution would be best.

The taxation of crypto-assets could also be considered as a new source of revenue for the EU budget. Here the European Commission is discussing in particular a tax on crypto transactions or, alternatively, a tax on capital gains from crypto-assets. Two caveats must be taken into account: the tax base for crypto-assets fluctuates, and activities could relatively easily be relocated to jurisdictions outside the EU. This is precisely why a coordinated European solution would be preferable to a patchwork of separate national measures.

A tax on ultra-high wealth would have particularly high revenue potential. One possible approach would be a minimum tax for individuals with net wealth exceeding €100 million, ensuring that the taxes paid annually by this group amount to at least a specified proportion of their wealth. Such a tax would specifically target individuals whose effective tax burden is lower than that of other groups. At the same time, it could help to limit tax competition between member states for particularly wealthy residents.

Increasing the EU budget’s dependence on GNI-based national contributions, which rely heavily on taxes on labour income and consumption, risks undermining public support. A more developed system of genuine EU own resources could help to reorient the debate away from higher national contributions and towards the financing of European public goods and common political priorities. An agreement on additional own resources is essential if the proposed expansion of the EU budget is to be financially and politically sustainable.

Taxes on particularly mobile tax bases appear especially suitable for implementation at the EU level, since national approaches are often less effective in the face of tax competition and cross-border mobility. Some proposals — such as taxes on ultra-high wealth or on crypto-asset transactions — are particularly attractive because they currently do not exist at the national level and could therefore strengthen EU revenue without reducing any existing national tax revenue.

A better mix of own resources could strengthen the EU budget while distributing its financing more evenly across different parts of the economy, including between businesses and households.

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